Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh speech at Korea G20

Speech of the Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh at the Plenary Session of the G20 Summit in Seoul on 12th November, 2010

Mr. President
         
I join other colleagues in thanking you for the excellent arrangements made for the Summit and for the warmth of your hospitality.
         
The G20 has only been in existence for two years.  Yet it can claim several important successes in this short period which has led to its emergence as the premier forum for international economic cooperation.
         
We acted swiftly to respond to the crisis of 2008 with a massive and coordinated stimulus which almost certainly avoided what could have been a precipitous collapse of the world economy.  We successfully initiated a process of reforms of the World Bank and the IMF which has already yielded good results.  We have launched a much needed reform of financial regulation through a broad based Financial Stability Board (FSB).  And we are currently engaged in an ambitious process of coordinating policies in our countries to achieve a strong and sustainable recovery.
         
Efforts to achieve a strong recovery in the global economy are particularly important at present.  Our discussion yesterday on the state of the world economy reveals a mixed picture. There is some good news.  Industrialized countries have resumed growth in 2010, although output gaps remain large and unemployment is still at crisis levels.
         
Emerging market countries have done well on the whole, and especially so in Asia.  I am happy to say that the Indian economy has rebounded fairly well from the crisis.  We grew at 9% in the four years prior to the crisis, but slowed down to 6.7% in the 2008-09.  The economy recovered to 7.4% growth in 2009-10 and is likely to grow at 8.5% in 2010-11.  We hope to achieve 9% in 2011-12.
         
However, high unemployment in industrialized countries threatens a revival of protectionist sentiment, especially since the use of conventional monetary and fiscal tools to revive the economy has been exhausted. Uncertainty about the prospects of industrialized countries affects the investment climate and dampens the medium term growth prospects of emerging market countries.  All this suggests that much remains to be done to bring our economies back to the path of strong, sustainable and balanced growth.
         
The problem facing us in rebalancing the global economy is well known.  Major industrialized countries were running unsustainable current account deficits which have to be reduced to manageable levels.  If this is not to have a contractionary impact on the world economy, it must be offset by reducing current account surpluses elsewhere.  This rebalancing requires pursuit of appropriately coordinated policies in our countries.
         
The Mutual Assessment Process we adopted in Pittsburgh was a unique G20 initiative to achieve such coordination.  We saw the outcome of the first stage in Toronto, at the level of country groupings.  We had expected to move to the second stage of considering country specific recommendations by the time of the Seoul Summit.
         
We are not there yet, and for good reasons.  It is not easy to reach agreement on what are sustainable current account balances for individual countries given the structural differences across countries, the many uncertainties that prevail, and the multiple goals that each country has to balance.  It is even more difficult to agree on a particular combination of policies to achieve these targets.
         
Despite these difficulties, we must persevere to develop a workable G20 mechanism for international coordination.  I believe there is considerable agreement on some broad principals.
         
First, we must at all costs avoid competitive devaluation and resist any resurgence of protectionism.

Second, advanced deficit countries must follow policies of fiscal consolidation, consistent with their individual circumstances so as to ensure debt sustainability over the medium term.  This means that fiscal correction need not be frontloaded everywhere.
         
Third, while structural reforms are necessary everywhere, these should increase efficiency and competitiveness in deficit countries, while expanding internal demand in surplus countries.  This rebalancing will take time, but it must begin.
         
Fourth, exchange rates flexibility is an important instrument for achieving a sustainable current account position and our policies must reflect this consideration.  At the same time, reserve currency countries have a special responsibility to ensure that their monetary policies do not lead to destabilizing capital flows, which can put pressure on emerging markets.
         
To these well known ingredients, I would add another that has not been sufficiently discussed.  Even as we try to avoid a destabilizing surge of volatile capital flows to developing countries, there is a strong case for supporting long term flows to these countries to stimulus investment, especially in infrastructure.  The economic performance of emerging markets, including many countries in sub-Saharan Africa, has improved greatly in recent years.  These countries are now in a position to absorb capital flows aimed at an expansion in investment, which would inject much needed demand into the global economy.  Multilateral Development Banks have an important role to play in this process through recycling of global savings.  Many emerging market countries are also in a position to attract private investment, including into infrastructure.
         
Recycling surplus savings into investment in developing countries will not only address the immediate demand imbalance, it will also help to address developmental imbalances.  In other words, we should leverage imbalances of one kind to redress imbalances of the other kind.
         
The G20 would convey a powerful signal to markets if we commit ourselves to a second stage MAP process aimed at coordinating policies in these areas.  Our Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors could be asked to develop these ideas further, with the assistance of the IMF and produce, as quickly as possible, a credible approach to identifying sustainable trajectories for external balances for our countries and to assess the policies proposed by each country to achieve these.
         
I recognize this is not going to be easy and we must allow considerable flexibility to accommodate learning by doing.  However, if we can actually do this, we will have made a lasting contribution to a new style of global governance.
         
I would like to compliment the Korean presidency for the initiative it took to include development as an accepted item in the agenda of the G20.  The G20 was borne at the time of a crisis and as such it has been preoccupied with the short term agenda of crisis management and global rebalancing.  However, one of the biggest imbalances facing us the development imbalance and putting development on the G20 agenda fills an important gap.
         
I have already mentioned that developing countries performed well in the years before the crisis and have also done well in subsequent years.  However, we need to ensure that the global economic environment, including especially the environment for trade, and investment flows remains strongly supportive of development.
         
The Seoul Development Consensus and the associated Multi- Year Action Plans which are before us provide a comprehensive agenda with timelines which we should pursue in all relevant fora in the months ahead.
         
I am particularly happy to endorse the focus on facilitating investment in national and regional infrastructure projects and the call for establishing a High Level Panel to recommend measures to mobilize private, semi-public and public resources for infrastructure investment and to review MDB policy in this area.  Infrastructure is a critical constraint to rapid and inclusive growth in most emerging markets and we need to find innovative ways of meeting the enormous costs of infrastructure development.  This should be made a major focus of the MDB agenda.
         
The emphasis on development of employable skills is also extremely important.  We in India are giving high priority to skill development in our effort to provide access to quality jobs to the large numbers of new entrants’ labour force.
         
The Seoul Summit is also delivering on the promise of reform of the IMF.  We have agreed to a shift in quota shares of 6% to emerging market countries and the composition of Board is being changed to reduce the European representation.  With the additional resources already provided to the IMF, we have not only provided the IMF with the firepower that it needs to perform its stabilization role, but also moves it in the direction of greater democratization.  Further moves are necessary in this direction and we welcome the decision to comprehensively review the quota formula by 2013 to reflect the growing economic weight of the emerging market countries.
         
This should be fully reflected in the next quotas review due to be completed by 2014.
         
Finally, Mr. President, we must ensure that the Doha Development Round of multilateral trade negotiations is brought to a satisfactory conclusion.  We have seen a resurgence of protectionist sentiment in the world in the wake of recessionary trends.  It is commendable that actual protectionist action has been more limited.  The only way to ensure that protectionism does not gain the upper hand is to restore momentum to the trade talks.  I hope the G20 will land in their weight to this objective.
         
In the end, I would like to say that the G20 was an apt response to an adverse situation that the world faced.  A few years down the line, the world will ask as to what else did G 20 achieve other than averting a total breakdown due to the global financial crisis.  Fortunately, through the dynamic leadership shown by the Korean Presidency the G20 has moved forward and arrived at a rich agenda of things to do.  I would once again like to thank Korea for their tireless efforts.  I am also confident that the G20 will be able to translate this agenda into tangible outcomes under the forthcoming presidency of France and I wish them success in our common endeavour.

President Obama speech at Indian Parliament : Must read

The President: Mr. Vice President, Madam Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, members of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha, and most of all, the people of India.
I thank you for the great honor of addressing the representatives of more than one billion Indians and the world’s largest democracy. (Applause.) I bring the greetings and friendship of the world’s oldest democracy —- the United States of America, including nearly three million proud and patriotic Indian-Americans. (Applause.)
Over the past three days, my wife Michelle and I have experienced the -- and dynamism of India and its people -- from the majesty of Humayun’s Tomb to the advanced technologies that are empowering farmers and women who are the backbone of Indian society; from the Diwali celebrations with schoolchildren to the innovators who are fueling India’s economic rise; from the university students who will chart India’s future, to you —-leaders who helped to bring India to this moment of extraordinary promise.
At every stop, we have been welcomed with the hospitality for which Indians have always been known. So, to you and the people of India, on behalf of me, Michelle and the American people, please accept my deepest thanks. (Applause.) Bahoot dhanyavad. (Applause.)
Now, I am not the first American President to visit India. Nor will I be the last. But I am proud to visit India so early in my presidency. It’s no coincidence that India is my first stop on a visit to Asia, or that this has been my longest visit to another country since becoming President. (Applause.) For in Asia and around the world, India is not simply emerging; India has emerged. (Applause.)
And it is my firm belief that the relationship between the United States and India -— bound by our shared interests and our shared values -— will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. This is the partnership I’ve come here to build. This is the vision that our nations can realize together.
My confidence in our shared future is grounded in my respect for India’s treasured past -— a civilization that’s been shaping the world for thousands of years. Indians unlocked the intricacies of the human body and the vastness of our universe. It’s no exaggeration to say that our Information Age is rooted in Indian innovations —- including the number zero. (Applause.)
Of course, India not only opened our minds, she expanded our moral imaginations -- with religious texts that still summon the faithful to lives of dignity and discipline, with poets who imagined a future “where the mind is without fear and the head is held high” -- (applause) -- and with a man whose message of love and justice endures -— the father of your nation, Mahatma Gandhi. (Applause.)
For me and Michelle, this visit has, therefore, held special meaning. See, throughout my life, including my work as a young man on behalf of the urban poor, I’ve always found inspiration in the life of Gandhiji and his simple and profound lesson to be the change we seek in the world. (Applause.) And just as he summoned Indians to seek their destiny, he influenced champions of equality in my own country, including a young preacher named Martin Luther King. After making his pilgrimage to India a half-century ago, Dr. King called Gandhi’s philosophy of non-violent resistance “the only logical and moral approach” in the struggle for justice and progress. (Applause.)
So we were honored to visit the residence where Gandhi and King both stayed —- Mani Bhavan. And we were humbled to pay our respects at Raj Ghat. And I am mindful that I might not be standing before you today, as President of the United States, had it not been for Gandhi and the message he shared and inspired with America and the world. (Applause.)
An ancient civilization of science and innovation; a fundamental faith in human progress -- this is the sturdy foundation upon which you have built ever since that stroke of midnight when the tricolor was raised over a free and independent India. (Applause.) And despite the skeptics who said this country was simply too poor, or too vast, or too diverse to succeed, you surmounted overwhelming odds and became a model to the world.
Instead of slipping into starvation, you launched a Green Revolution that fed millions. Instead of becoming dependent on commodities and exports, you invested in science and technology and in your greatest resource —- the Indian people. And the world sees the results, from the supercomputers you build to the Indian flag that you put on the moon.
Instead of resisting the global economy, you became one of its engines —- reforming the licensing raj and unleashing an economic marvel that has lifted tens of millions of people from poverty and created one of the world’s largest middle classes.
Instead of succumbing to division, you have shown that the strength of India —- the very idea of India —- is its embrace of all colors, all castes, all creeds. (Applause.) It’s the diversity represented in this chamber today. It’s the richness of faiths celebrated by a visitor to my hometown of Chicago more than a century ago -— the renowned Swami Vivekananda. He said that, “holiness, purity and charity are not the exclusive possessions of any church in the world, and that every system has produced men and women of the most exalted character.”
And instead of being lured by the false notion that progress must come at the expense of freedom, you built the institutions upon which true democracy depends —- free and fair elections, which enable citizens to choose their own leaders without recourse to arms -- (applause) -- an independent judiciary and the rule of law, which allows people to address their grievances; and a thriving free press and vibrant civil society which allows every voice to be heard. This year, as India marks 60 years with a strong and democratic constitution, the lesson is clear: India has succeeded, not in spite of democracy; India has succeeded because of democracy. (Applause.)
Now, just as India has changed, so, too, has the relationship between our two nations. In the decades after independence, India advanced its interests as a proud leader of the nonaligned movement. Yet, too often, the United States and India found ourselves on opposite sides of a North-`South divide, estranged by a long Cold War. Those days are over.
Here in India, two successive governments led by different parties have recognized that deeper partnership with America is both natural and necessary. And in the United States, both of my predecessors —- one a Democrat, one a Republican -— worked to bring us closer, leading to increased trade and a landmark civil nuclear agreement. (Applause.)
So since that time, people in both our countries have asked: What’s next? How can we build on this progress and realize the full potential of our partnership? That’s what I want to address today —- the future that the United States seeks in an interconnected world, and why I believe that India is indispensable to this vision; how we can forge a truly global partnership -— not just in one or two areas, but across many; not just for our mutual benefit, but for the benefit of the world.
Of course, only Indians can determine India’s national interests and how to advance them on the world stage. But I stand before you today because I am convinced that the interests of the United States —- and the interests we share with India -—are best advanced in partnership. I believe that. (Applause.)
The United States seeks security —- the security of our country, our allies and partners. We seek prosperity -— a strong and growing economy in an open international economic system. We seek respect for universal values. And we seek a just and sustainable international order that promotes peace and security by meeting global challenges through stronger global cooperation.
Now, to advance these interests, I have committed the United States to comprehensive engagement with the world, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. And a central pillar of this engagement is forging deeper cooperation with 21st century centers of influence -— and that must necessarily include India.
Now, India is not the only emerging power in the world. But relationships between our countries is unique. For we are two strong democracies whose constitutions begin with the same revolutionary words —- the same revolutionary words -- “We the people.” We are two great republics dedicated to the liberty and justice and equality of all people. And we are two free market economies where people have the freedom to pursue ideas and innovation that can change the world. And that’s why I believe that India and America are indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time. (Applause.)
Since taking office, I’ve, therefore, made our relationship a priority. I was proud to welcome Prime Minister Singh for the first official state visit of my presidency. (Applause.) For the first time ever, our governments are working together across the whole range of common challenges that we face. Now, let me say it as clearly as I can: The United States not only welcomes India as a rising global power, we fervently support it, and we have worked to help make it a reality.
Together with our partners, we have made the G20 the premier forum for international economic cooperation, bringing more voices to the table of global economic decision-making, and that has included India. We’ve increased the role of emerging economies like India at international financial institutions. We valued India’s important role at Copenhagen, where, for the first time, all major economies committed to take action to confront climate change —- and to stand by those actions. We salute India’s long history as a leading contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. And we welcome India as it prepares to take its seat on the United Nations Security Council. (Applause.)
In short, with India assuming its rightful place in the world, we have an historic opportunity to make the relationship between our two countries a defining partnership of the century ahead. And I believe we can do so by working together in three important areas.
First, as global partners we can promote prosperity in both our countries. Together, we can create the high-tech, high-wage jobs of the future. With my visit, we are now ready to begin implementing our civil nuclear agreement. This will help meet India’s growing energy needs and create thousands of jobs in both of our countries. (Applause.)
We need to forge partnerships in high-tech sectors like defense and civil space. So we’ve removed Indian organizations from our so-called “entity list.” And we’ll work to remove -- and reform our controls on exports. Both of these steps will ensure that Indian companies seeking high-tech trade and technologies from America are treated the same as our very closest allies and partners. (Applause.)
We can pursue joint research and development to create green jobs; give India more access to cleaner, affordable energy; meet the commitments we made at Copenhagen; and show the possibilities of low-carbon growth.
And together, we can resist the protectionism that stifles growth and innovation. The United States remains —- and will continue to remain —- one of the most open economies in the world. And by opening markets and reducing barriers to foreign investment, India can realize its full economic potential as well. As G20 partners, we can make sure the global economic recovery is strong and is durable. And we can keep striving for a Doha Round that is ambitious and is balanced —- with the courage to make the compromises that are necessary so global trade works for all economies.
Together, we can strengthen agriculture. Cooperation between Indian and American researchers and scientists sparked the Green Revolution. Today, India is a leader in using technology to empower farmers, like those I met yesterday who get free updates on market and weather conditions on their cell phones. And the United States is a leader in agricultural productivity and research. Now, as farmers and rural areas face the effects of climate change and drought, we’ll work together to spark a second, more sustainable Evergreen Revolution.
Together, we’re improving Indian weather forecasting systems before the next monsoon season. We aim to help millions of Indian farmers -- farming households save water and increase productivity, improve food processing so crops don’t spoil on the way to market, and enhance climate and crop forecasting to avoid losses that cripple communities and drive up food prices.
And as part of our food security initiative, we’re going to share India’s expertise with farmers in Africa. And this is an indication of India’s rise —- that we can now export hard-earned expertise to countries that see India as a model for agricultural development. It’s another powerful example of how American and Indian partnership can address an urgent global challenge.
Because the wealth of a nation also depends on the health of its people, we’ll continue to support India’s effort against diseases like tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and as global partners, we’ll work to improve global health by preventing the spread of pandemic flu. And because knowledge is the currency of the 21st century, we will increase exchanges between our students, our colleges and our universities, which are among the best in the world.
As we work to advance our shared prosperity, we can partner to address a second priority —- and that is our shared security. In Mumbai, I met with the courageous families and survivors of that barbaric attack. And here in Parliament, which was itself targeted because of the democracy it represents, we honor the memory of all those who have been taken from us, including American citizens on 26/11 and Indian citizens on 9/11.
This is the bond that we share. It’s why we insist that nothing ever justifies the slaughter of innocent men, women and children. It’s why we’re working together, more closely than ever, to prevent terrorist attacks and to deepen our cooperation even further. And it’s why, as strong and resilient societies, we refuse to live in fear. We will not sacrifice the values and rule of law that defines us, and we will never waver in the defense of our people.
America’s fight against al Qaeda and its terrorist affiliates is why we persevere in Afghanistan, where major development assistance from India has improved the lives of the Afghan people. We’re making progress in our mission to break the Taliban’s momentum and to train Afghan forces so they can take the lead for their security. And while I have made it clear that American forces will begin the transition to Afghan responsibility next summer, I’ve also made it clear that America’s commitment to the Afghan people will endure. The United States will not abandon the people of Afghanistan -— or the region -— to violent extremists who threaten us all.
Our strategy to disrupt and dismantle and defeat al Qaeda and its affiliates has to succeed on both sides of the border. And that’s why we have worked with the Pakistani government to address the threat of terrorist networks in the border region. The Pakistani government increasingly recognizes that these networks are not just a threat outside of Pakistan —- they are a threat to the Pakistani people, as well. They’ve suffered greatly at the hands of violent extremists over the last several years.
And we’ll continue to insist to Pakistan's leaders that terrorist safe havens within their borders are unacceptable, and that terrorists behind the Mumbai attacks must be brought to justice. (Applause.) We must also recognize that all of us have an interest in both an Afghanistan and a Pakistan that is stable and prosperous and democratic —- and India has an interest in that, as well.
In pursuit of regional security, we will continue to welcome dialogue between India and Pakistan, even as we recognize that disputes between your two countries can only be resolved by the people of your two countries.
More broadly, India and the United States can partner in Asia. Today, the United States is once again playing a leadership role in Asia —- strengthening old alliances; deepening relationships, as we are doing with China; and we’re reengaging with regional organizations like ASEAN and joining the East Asia summit —- organizations in which India is also a partner. Like your neighbors in Southeast Asia, we want India not only to “look East,” we want India to “engage East” —- because it will increase the security and prosperity of all our nations.
As two global leaders, the United States and India can partner for global security —- especially as India serves on the Security Council over the next two years. Indeed, the just and sustainable international order that America seeks includes a United Nations that is efficient, effective, credible and legitimate. That is why I can say today, in the years ahead, I look forward to a reformed United Nations Security Council that includes India as a permanent member. (Applause.)
Now, let me suggest that with increased power comes increased responsibility. The United Nations exists to fulfill its founding ideals of preserving peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. These are the responsibilities of all nations, but especially those that seek to lead in the 21st century. And so we look forward to working with India —- and other nations that aspire to Security Council membership -— to ensure that the Security Council is effective; that resolutions are implemented, that sanctions are enforced; that we strengthen the international norms which recognize the rights and responsibilities of all nations and all individuals.
This includes our responsibility to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Since I took office, the United States has reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and we've agreed with Russia to reduce our own arsenals. We have put preventing nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism at the top of our nuclear agenda, and we have strengthened the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime, which is the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Together, the United States and India can pursue our goal of securing the world’s vulnerable nuclear materials. We can make it clear that even as every nation has the right to peaceful nuclear energy, every nation must also meet its international obligations —- and that includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And together, we can pursue a vision that Indian leaders have espoused since independence —- a world without nuclear weapons. (Applause.)
And this leads me to the final area where our countries can partner —- strengthening the foundations of democratic governance, not only at home but abroad.
In the United States, my administration has worked to make government more open and transparent and accountable to people. Here in India, you’re harnessing technologies to do the same, as I saw yesterday at an expo in Mumbai. Your landmark Right to Information Act is empowering citizens with the ability to get the services to which they’re entitled -- (applause) -- and to hold officials accountable. Voters can get information about candidates by text message. And you’re delivering education and health care services to rural communities, as I saw yesterday when I joined an e-panchayat with villagers in Rajasthan.
Now, in a new collaboration on open government, our two countries are going to share our experience, identify what works, and develop the next generation of tools to empower citizens. And in another example of how American and Indian partnership can address global challenges, we’re going to share these innovations with civil society groups and countries around the world. We’re going to show that democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers for the common man —- and woman.
Likewise, when Indians vote, the whole world watches. Thousands of political parties; hundreds of thousands of polling centers; millions of candidates and poll workers -- and 700 million voters. There’s nothing like it on the planet. There is so much that countries transitioning to democracy could learn from India’s experience, so much expertise that India can share with the world. And that, too, is what is possible when the world’s largest democracy embraces its role as a global leader.
As the world’s two largest democracies, we must never forget that the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others. (Applause.) Indians know this, for it is the story of your nation. Before he ever began his struggle for Indian independence, Gandhi stood up for the rights of Indians in South Africa. Just as others, including the United States, supported Indian independence, India championed the self-determination of peoples from Africa to Asia as they, too, broke free from colonialism. (Applause.) And along with the United States, you’ve been a leader in supporting democratic development and civil society groups around the world. And this, too, is part of India’s greatness.
Now, we all understand every country will follow its own path. No one nation has a monopoly on wisdom, and no nation should ever try to impose its values on another. But when peaceful democratic movements are suppressed —- as they have been in Burma, for example -- then the democracies of the world cannot remain silent. For it is unacceptable to gun down peaceful protestors and incarcerate political prisoners decade after decade. It is unacceptable to hold the aspirations of an entire people hostage to the greed and paranoia of bankrupt regimes. It is unacceptable to steal elections, as the regime in Burma has done again for all the world to see.
Faced with such gross violations of human rights, it is the responsibility of the international community —- especially leaders like the United States and India —- to condemn it. And if I can be frank, in international fora, India has often shied away from some of these issues. But speaking up for those who cannot do so for themselves is not interfering in the affairs of other countries. It’s not violating the rights of sovereign nations. It is staying true to our democratic principles. It is giving meaning to the human rights that we say are universal. And it sustains the progress that in Asia and around the world has helped turn dictatorships into democracies and ultimately increased our security in the world.
So promoting shared prosperity, preserving peace and security, strengthening democratic governance and human rights -- these are the responsibilities of leadership. And as global partners, this is the leadership that the United States and India can offer in the 21st century. Ultimately, though, this cannot be a relationship only between presidents and prime ministers, or in the halls of this Parliament. Ultimately, this must be a partnership between our peoples. (Applause.) So I want to conclude by speaking directly to the people of India who are watching today.
In your lives, you have overcome odds that might have overwhelmed a lesser country. In just decades, you have achieved progress and development that took other nations centuries. You are now assuming your rightful place as a leader among nations. Your parents and grandparents imagined this. Your children and grandchildren will look back on this. But only this generation of Indians can seize the possibilities of the moment.
As you carry on with the hard work ahead, I want every Indian citizen to know: The United States of America will not simply be cheering you on from the sidelines. We will be right there with you, shoulder to shoulder. (Applause.) Because we believe in the promise of India. We believe that the future is what we make it. We believe that no matter who you are or where you come from, every person can fulfill their God-given potential, just as a Dalit like Dr. Ambedkar could lift himself up and pen the words of the constitution that protects the rights of all Indians. (Applause.)
We believe that no matter where you live —- whether a village in Punjab or the bylanes of Chandni Chowk -- (laughter) -- an old section of Kolkata or a new high-rise in Bangalore -- every person deserves the same chance to live in security and dignity, to get an education, to find work, to give their children a better future.
And we believe that when countries and cultures put aside old habits and attitudes that keep people apart, when we recognize our common humanity, then we can begin to fulfill these aspirations that we share. It’s a simple lesson contained in that collection of stories which has guided Indians for centuries —- the Panchtantra. And it’s the spirit of the inscription seen by all who enter this great hall: “That one is mine and the other a stranger is the concept of little minds. But to the large-hearted, the world itself is their family.”
This is the story of India; this is the story of America —- that despite their differences, people can see themselves in one another, and work together and succeed together as one proud nation. And it can be the spirit of partnership between our nations —- that even as we honor the histories which in different times kept us apart, even as we preserve what makes us unique in a globalized world, we can recognize how much we can achieve together.
And if we let this simple concept be our guide, if we pursue the vision I’ve described today —- a global partnership to meet global challenges —- then I have no doubt that future generations —- Indians and Americans —- will live in a world that is more prosperous and more secure and more just because of the bonds that our generation has forged today.
So, thank you, and Jai Hind. (Applause.) And long live the partnership between India and the United States. (Applause.


Tuesday, September 28, 2010

Japan’s Savings Crisis

Japan is heading toward a savings crisis. The potential future clash between larger fiscal deficits and a low household saving rate could have powerful negative effects on both Japan and the global economy.

Hyperinflation or Deflation? Dramatic Fiscal Austerity Measures: "Deficit Terrorists" Strike in the UK -- The USA is Next

Last week, England’s new government said it would abandon the previous government’s  stimulus program and introduce the austerity measures required to pay down its estimated $1 trillion in debts.  That means cutting public spending, laying off workers, reducing consumption, and increasing unemployment and bankruptcies.  It also means shrinking the money supply, since virtually all “money” today originates as loans or debt.  Reducing the outstanding debt will reduce the amount of money available to pay workers and buy goods, precipitating depression and further economic pain.

Monday, September 27, 2010

Trapped in the Spiral of Basel III. Tightening the Noose on Credit Spells Disaster



Punishing Your Local Bank for Wall Street’s Misdeeds
“The plunge in M3 [the largest measure of the money supply] has no precedent since the Great Depression. The dominant reason for this is that regulators across the world are pressing banks to raise capital asset ratios and to shrink their risk assets. This is why the US is not recovering properly.”

Thursday, September 23, 2010

HDFC warrants are a good bet


Convertible warrants of mortgage lender Housing Development Finance Corp. Ltd (HDFC), which were issued last August, are trading way below fair value.
The warrants were priced at Rs. 55 (adjusted for the stock split) at a time when the company’s shares traded at a discount of around 25% to the exercise price of the warrants.
The pricing of the warrant—which is essentially a call option —suggested an implied volatility of around 25%, using the then prevailing dividend payment of Rs. 6 a year. Incidentally, the volatility in HDFC shares has been 25% in the past one year.
HDFC shares have risen by around 63% since then and the warrants have almost turned in-the-money. This has resulted in a sharp rise in the price of the warrants to Rs. 159 each.

WHAT LIES BENEATH


The $7.5 billion price tag for the 2010 CWG is already the highest ever for the event (the 2006 Melbourne Games may have cost close to $1 billion). The costs includes $89 rolls of toilet paper, $61 soap dispensers, $125 first-aid kits and treadmills rented for 45 days at $23,080 each.

13 NOVEMBER 2003 India were awarded the Commonwealth Games. Ironically, India’s theme was “2010 - Great Games for Sure.” 
8 JANUARY 2005 
It was announced that India was one year behind schedule in forming the organising committee as stipulated in the hosting agreement. 
30 JANUARY 2005 
Faced with the prospect of losing the hosting rights, organising panel is formed. Kalmadi named the OC chairman. 
8 AUGUST 2008 
Auditor-general warns of a “major embarrassment” as projects stalled due to inadequate funds, delay in approvals, changes in venue designs. 
8 OCTOBER 2009 
Mike Fennell, President of the Commonwealth Federation, meets the PM Manmohan Singh to let him know of his concerns related to the delays. 
19 OCTOBER 2009 
The IOA rejects the CWG Federation’s plan to set up an independent monitoring panel to look into preparations. This decision angers CGF CEO Mike Hooper. 
30 OCTOBER 2009 
Truce between Fennell and Kalmadi. Mike H o o p e r a l - 
lowed to remain in Delhi to oversee the OC’s work. 

5 JULY 2010 
A CAG report concludes that the CCG infrastructure was hazardous to both athletes and spectators because of “large-scale corruption”. 
31 JULY 2010 
CWG rocked by reports alleging that building quality certificates had been faked as costs for the 12-day event ballooned. 
31 JULY 2010 
A letter written by Deputy High Commissioner of India in London, Rajesh N Prasad, to the Sports Ministry about allegations of corruption made by the UK government, says that 25,000 pounds sent from the CWG in India to a company, AM films, in UK, is unaccounted for.The UK g o v e r n m e n t raised a red flag after it followed the money trail from the CWG accounts in India to AM Films. 
5 AUGUST 2010 
CWG OC treasurer Anil Khanna was forced to resign after a blatant case of conflict of interest was exposed. 
6 AUGUST 2010 
CWG OC suspends two top officials and terminated its contract with the Sports Marketing and Management (SMAM) 
9 AUGUST 2010 
TS Darbari became the first CWG OC member to go under the ED scanner for alleged money laundering. He is also sacked along with another official M Jeychandran 
21 SEPTEMBER 2010 
Officials from Canada, New Zealand, Scotland describe the Games village as ‘unliveable.’ CGF CE Mike Hooper calls the Games village ‘filthy’ 

The anatomy of the Vodafone transaction

Previously Hutch and later Vodafone advertised their cellular services as ”wherever you go, our network follows”. It seems the advertisement inspired not just potential customers, but the taxman too
Very interesting case


Must SEE GRAPHICS


http://dl.dropbox.com/u/5973996/Users/Rajendra/vodafone_tree.pdf

Deconstructing the rally

Markets across the world had been discounting doom and gloom, what with fears of a double dip in the US and worries about European debt
The Nifty’s trailing price-earnings (P-E) multiple is now at 25.3 and price-to-book at 3.9. In January 2008, when the market peaked, the Nifty’s trailing P-E was around 28.2 and price-to-book 6.5. From a P-E perspective and assuming one thinks the market in early 2008 was a rational one—a very big assumption—then market valuations are not too high.
http://www.livemint.com/2010/09/20220037/748D60AD-4526-49DD-8DF0-5D933D0A9DC4ArtVPF.pdf

The Skills Deficit


Two years after the world economy suffered a nervous breakdown in the wake of the collapse of Lehman Brothers, global financial markets remain unsettled, and the recovery that started so vigorously in 2009 seems to be stalling.
The slowdown has predictably led to calls for further fiscal and monetary stimulus. The argument seems simple: only a massive dose of government spending and massive central-bank support for the financial system prevented a slide into a second Great Depression, so more of the same medicine is now needed to prevent a slide back into recession.

from 20000 to 20000

EIH rights issue key to Ambani’s game plan

Kannan Ramaswamy, the William D. Hacker Chair Professor of Management at US-based Thunderbird School of Global Management, is not surprised by RIL’s move into the hospitality sector but has many questions.
“Historically, Reliance in their annual general meetings (AGMs) has been very clear on how they are going to roll out their growth and diversification strategies..,” he said.
“At the last AGM, Mukesh did mention about doubling the enterprise value of the group, but there was hardly any detail on how the group will go about it. There was some reference to retail and telecom but...the meeting was surprisingly short on details. Although the quest for growth remains as strong as ever, the plans have still not crystallized,” he says.

Holding all the Aces

Must Read for Marketing & Strategy Students

Market approach
Only too aware of it, Tata Motors has unleashed a slew of initiatives. First up is a new platform in the 0.5-tonne category, called the Zip, which could be priced between Rs 160,000 and Rs 190,000. But isn’t it a bit late in the day? Mahindra & Mahindra created this sub-category with its Gio last year, which was geared to hasten upgrades from three-wheeler load-carriers to four-wheelers. However, Tata Motors is hopeful that its 0.5-tonne passenger-carrier, the Iris, will be the first such four-wheeler in India. The vehicle is being tested in Rajasthan and will be rolled out by October.

Don’t cap microfinance lending rates

Should lending rates of microfinance institutions (MFIs) — often 28-36 % — be capped? Some folk think so. Officials in Andhra Pradesh once closed down MFIs for usury, but the RBI came to the rescue, declaring there could be no cap on lending rates. Banning MFIs would only drive poor people into more expensive loans from moneylenders. MFIs have provided finance to 20 million poor people, whom nationalised banks could not reach. The RBI itself has promoted microcredit by classifying bank loans to MFIs as priority sector loans. 
If the finance ministry insists on MFI curbs, the least bad solution may be a cap on dividends. If high profits are ploughed back into expansion, it benefits new borrowers. That’s not the case if high profits go out as high dividends. Capping MFI dividends at 12% for the next five years will be better than an interest cap of 24%. This will still discriminate against MFIs: Infosys, Tata and Ambani don’t even try to promote inclusive finance, yet face no dividend cap.

Brady Bonds For the Eurozone

Today’s conventional view of the eurozone is that the crisis is over – the intense, often existential concern earlier this year about the common currency’s future has been assuaged, and everything now is back under control.
By the end of 2008, Ireland’s three main banks had lent more than three times the country’s national income. The crash came in 2009, as Ireland’s real estate boom turned to bust, leaving the country with large insolvent banks, a collapse in budget revenues, and Europe’s largest budget deficit.
This is disconcertingly reminiscent of the spring – when Jean-Claude Trichet, the ECB president, lashed out at a skeptical bond market and declared a Greek default unfathomable. But markets today think there is a 50% chance that Greece will default within the next five years – and a 25% chance that Ireland will do so. The reason is simple: both Greece and Ireland are likely insolvent.

Chronology of Epic Dispute

'Group buying' goes viral

New concept of Marketing

You know an idea has arrived when it leads to ‘me-too’ products that turn it into a full-fledged industry. eBay did it with online auctions and Facebook did it with social networking. And now, sites like Snapdeal, Grabbon, Taggle, DealsAndYou are trying to popularise the concept of ‘group buying’ online.
Group buying works like cooperatives, where a large number of people buy from a merchant. The group-buying site, after negotiating directly with merchants, selects and advertises an offer for a day to its subscribers — typically a hotel stay, a restaurant booking, an excursion or a 'spa day' at an attractive, one-off price. The deal is only available for a short time, often just one day.

Govt move to cap lending rates at 22-24% may shut most MFIs

Avast majority of India’s microfinance institutions (MFIs) may have to shut if the banks from which they borrow force the firms, under instruction from the finance ministry, to make loans at 22-24%, according to industry experts.
Some say capping lending rates at 24% could wipe out 80% of India’s 260 or so MFIs, which make small loans to poor people

Marriage between banking, telecom will give birth to Mass mobile banking

Very good Article in Length about Mobile Banking

Changing times: Timex enters Titan territory

For Marketing People

US-based Timex Group has virtually withdrawn from the sub-'1,000 watch market, which was once its mainstay. The company thinks the '4,000-plus segment is now big enough as Indian consumers are willing to pay a premium for making a style statement.

A V Rajwade: A new G20 agenda?

Many conventional correlations in the global economy are breaking down

As preparations for the next G20 summit (Seoul, November) gather momentum, there has been some progress since the last summit — the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision constituted by Mathe Bank for International Settlements has agreed on new norms for banks’ capital adequacy standards (Basel III). These norms prescribe a significant increase in shareholders’ funds, and have also increased the capital charge for market risk. The US has enacted tighter and highly complex banking regulations, and the European Union (EU) is also well on its way to finalising financial reforms later this year. Neither of these may achieve the full extent of the reforms envisaged by the G20, but very strong and powerful bank lobbies have been working hard, in Basel, Brussels, London and Washington, to dilute the prescriptions

With the door to Doha closed, India opens up windows to the world

Seeing no progress on the stalled multilateral trade talks, potential partners are keen on bilateral pacts with India.
Nine years after New Delhi started implementing its Plan B — bilateral trade agreements — to beat the impasse at the World Trade Organisation’s Doha Round of liberalisation talks, India seems to be finally rolling.
PLAN B
INDIA’S BILATERAL TRADE TALKS
Partner Start of
talks
Status
Thailand  2001 Under negotiation; likely to be signed in 2010
Singapore  2002 Signed in December 2007; to be reviewed
Sri Lanka 2003 Under negotiation
Mauritius  2003 Under negotiation
China 2003 Joint feasibility study underway
Asean 2003 Trade in goods pact signed in August 
2009; agreement on services to be 
signed soon 
Malaysia 2004 Likely to be signed by December 2010
BIMSTEC 2004 Under negotiation
GCC 2004 Under negotiation
Japan  2005 To be signed in October 2010
SACU 2005 Under negotiation
Chile  2005 Signed in March 2006; to be reviewed 
Israel 2006 Under negotiation
SAFTA 2006 In force
EU 2006 Under negotiation
EFTA 2008 Under negotiation
Australia 2008 Joint feasibility study underway
Nepal  2009 Treaty in force until 2016 
South Korea 2009 Under negotiation
New Zealand 2009 Under negotiation
Indonesia 2009 Joint feasibility study underway
Turkey  2010 Joint feasibility study underway
Pakistan _ No formal agreement; Most Favoured 
Nation status accorded 
Asean          =     Laos, Vietnam, Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia,
                            Brunei, Cambodia, Myanmar, Philippines
BIMSTEC      =    Bangladesh, India, Sri Lanka, Thailand, Myanmar
GCC             =    Kuwait, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE, Oman
SACU           =    South Africa, Lesotho, Swaziland, Botswana, Namibia
SAFTA         =    India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives,
                           Nepal, Afghanistan
EFTA           =    Switzerland, Iceland, Norway, Liechtenstein

Shankar Acharya: Overvalued Re fuels external deficits

good article

Why have rising trade and current account deficits in the last year not led to a depreciation of the rupee?

Savings rate deregulation: What do bankers say?

What's the impression the RBI is giving about deregulating savings deposit rates? Will it be a total deregulation? Will it come with some caveats and conditions? And what are the bankers saying? Are they prepared?

Parliamentary panel to quiz RBI governor on IPL

The members were not satisfied with the replies given by RBI Deputy Governor Shyamala Gopinath on involvement of banks in the IPL irregularities, especially remittances of foreign exchange, sources said after a meeting of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance. The committee, comprising members of the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha, met under the chairmanship of former finance minister and senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha. Gopinath was questioned on the role of RBI and commercial banks, regarding transfer of funds to the Board for Control of Cricket in India (BCCI) and IPL franchisees, the owners of the high-profile Twenty-20 cricket teams.

Monday, September 6, 2010

US: the frugal superpower

In recent years, I have often said to European friends: So, you didn’t like a world of too much US power? See how you like a world of too little US power—because it is coming to a geopolitical theater near you. Yes, US has gone from being the supreme victor of World War II, with guns and butter for all, to one of two superpowers during the Cold War, to the indispensable nation after winning the cold war, to “The Frugal Superpower” of today. Get used to it. That’s our new nickname. US pacifists need not worry any more about “wars of choice”. We’re not doing that again. We can’t afford to invade Grenada today.

Hobson’s choice before Subbarao

Reserve Bank of India (RBI) governor D. Subbarao begins his third year in office this week. His first year was spent managing fallout of the global financial crisis and second managing the recovery in Asia’s third largest economy. Subbarao’s third year in office, in many ways, will be more critical than the first two. Apart from high inflation and economic growth, he needs to manage the simmering tension between the finance ministry and the central bank.

Friday, September 3, 2010

China vs India: our Games, their Games

The stadiums built for the Olympics are another example of China’s better-than-the-best mindset
If, by the wave of a magic wand, we had a squeaky clean bunch of people running the Commonwealth Games, would we be able to do a fabulous job? Would we be able to do what Beijing did with the Olympics? As the dirt flies around our Games preparation, this is the question that’s been bothering me. So I am digressing from the world of personal luxury to explore instead what would definitely be a luxury for the nation today: a beautifully organized Commonwealth Games.

Mukesh Ambani

In an interview with ET Now, Mukesh Ambani, CMD, Reliance Industries, talks about their bonus issue as well as the vision Reliance has, as also their growth plans.

Banks, relax - until the next crisis

Nice Article
Every economic crisis gives rise to suggestions for radical reform . But these suggestions typically last only as long as the crisis. Once the crisis has blown over, it is business as usual.